Just Say Coyote:
The Use of Ethnic Narrative in Drug Abuse Prevention

Would you keep your eyes closed if Coyote came with an empty bag?" (Howard and Gómez, 1990)

Through the centuries, wisdom was passed from one generation to the next through folk tales and folk songs. With the formal institutionalization of modern organic society (Durkheim, l9xx) many of these functions held previously by caretakers and religious leaders have been taken over by educators, teachers and trainers. Nevertheless, like their predecessors, contemporary educators respond to the needs of the day by revitalizing (Wallace, 1956 xxx) and then incorporating this wisdom from the past.

As always this process is contextual. In Lubbock, Texas, the crucible of challenges and the cauldron of wisdom are different than in both larger cities, such as Los Angeles, and smaller towns, such as Muleshoe. Lubbock is a relatively new city, founded 1906/1912,incorporating into its charter designated living areas for whites, blacks, and Hispanics. While de jure segregation no longer exists, this earlier legacy has created scars. With a current population just under 200,000 Lubbock has a normative amount of drug use and racial tension but does not yet have the overwhelming violence of major metropolitan areas. Solutions to both the drug use and ethnic intolerance seem possible. Yet because Lubbock is in the very conservative southern Bible Belt, these answers must be formulated in terms acceptable to a civic community shaped by Southern Baptist and Church of Christ traditions.

Forerunners in both drug and multicultural education in Lubbock and the South Plains area are Dr. Roy E. Howard of the Bilingual Education Program at Texas Tech University, Lt. Col. (Retired) Daniel P. Gómez of the Rural Project (REACH) also housed at Texas Tech, and Marianne Gómez at Williams Elementary. Working together with staff of musicians, educators, artists, and drug counselors, these three have pioneered innovative programs in muticultural education, drug prevention, and multicultural drug prevention. In this paper we focus on the work of Howard and Dan Gómez in drug education and multicultural drug education. We will describe a typical session for each type of training, analyze these sessions in terms of health care issues, then discuss the intercultural implications.

Sessions

In these programs there are three phases to drug education: a) saying "no" to strangers ("stranger danger"), b) saying "no" to friends ("just say 'no"'), and c) saying yes to one's self, friends, and constructive activities. The drug education sessions teach children (K-9), teens (10-12), and adults (college and beyond) how to say "no" to friends and "yes" to themselves. The multicultural drug sessions educate children about all three phases. [note b]

Drug Education--Refusal Skills

The drug education programs of Howard and Gómez are based on refusal skills and vary according to age group. In K-2, the focus is on safety and on obedience to parents. In 3-6, actual training in refusal skills begins; the focus is two-fold, on all at-risk behaviors (not just drugs) and on how to say "no" and keep your friends. In 7-12, the focus shifts to drug education per se. A typical training session is one such as follows for a third grade classroom.

The training goals are: a) Briefly identify and use the steps to Refusal Skills; and b) Apply the knowledge acquired. When Gómez and Howard enter the class they are introduced as very important visitors from Texas Tech who will teach them skills they will need to know the rest of their lives, not just this year, but for their whole life.

Górnez, Howard and a colleague introduce refusal skills by defining refusal as saying no and skill as being able to do something. When you leave you will know how to say no. They then reiterate, "Refusal skills are what we use when a good friend has a bad idea. We do not use refusal skills with strangers.^" Children are asked if they have a good friend, a best friend, if this friend has ever gotten them into trcuble. By now the children are all involved deeply in what is happening.

At this point, the four goals are presented: a) to keep friends, b) to have fun, c) to stay out of trouble, and d) to stay in control. Brief scenarios are given to illustrate each goal; for example, Phil calls Roberto chicken for not crossing a dangerous street. Roberto says why don't we stay here and play soccer. Are we having fun? (The children give an enthusiastic, "yes!")

After the four goals are reviewed, and the class praised, the types of trouble you can get into are elicited; such as, things that are: illegal, unsafe, against school rules, against family rules, and that just do not feel right. Children give examples for each category for their own age group, such as (respectively) "drawing on walls" [grafitti], playing in a vacant lot, chewing gum, being rude, and talking badly about someone. The goals are reviewed again. The children are asked if they would like to know how to have fun and how to stay out of trouble at the same time.

After affirmation is received, the five steps are presented: a) Ask questions. "What? . . . Why?" b) Name the trouble. "That's trouble!" c) Name the consequences. "If I do that . . ." d) Provide an alternative. "Instead..." e) Move it, Sell it, Leave the door open. "If you change your mind . . ." Verbal examples of each step are given, then the presenters role play a situation between themselves, analyzing it as they go. Afterwards they ask the students if each goal has been met. After a "yes" they role play one more situation and ask the students to name each step as they go. Third, one student interacts with a presenter. Finally, two students are asked to come to the front and role play a situation. The presenters are there to coach if necessary. Several pairs of students have the opportunity (all the children want to try). In between sessions, the presenters highlight the importance of reversing peer pressure and of challenging the troublemaker.

At the end of the session, the students are assigned to develop a role playing session for the following week when the presenters will be back to video tape them. During this taping session the goals and the steps are reviewed, and the children are videotaped. The tape is left with the classroom as a training tool.

Multicultural Drug Education Sessions

The multicultural drug education sessions are general "culture awareness" sessions for K 7. The major goals are increasing appreciation for and tolerance of other cultures and increasing self-esteem and prudence through this cultural awareness. These sessions are interactive singing and storytelling sessions that vary as much by the season and cultural events as by the age group. A typical session is one presented to combined first and third grade classes for Columbus Day.

Gómez started with a "Hawaiian" song. [note a should be note bi "How many of you did not know there were Native Americans in Hawaii?" "I did not know either!" From there, Gómez comments on what the children have been learning about Native Americans in their classes, then teaches them the "Voy a Mostrar" song, a show and tell song in Spanish through which they can show off the costumes they have made in their classes and are wearing.

At this point, Howard is introduced. Howard begins by speaking in Navajo, then Japanese, Chinese, German, French, Spanish, and English, continuing in different languages until a language is recognized. (Once a language is recognized he incorporates it throughout the program, in addition to the already trilingual presentation in English, Spanish, and Navaho.) He starts by talking about why there are so many languages in this country. Because this is Columbus Day, he focuses on Cristopher Columbus through an interactive bilingual song about the sailing and an interactive story about Columbus getting lost and being found by the Carib people.

The Carib found him and gave him food, because he was hungry. They gave him water because he was thirsty. They gave him friendship because he was lost. This was a big mistake. Why? Because they said, "Y'all come back now, 'heah." Why was this a mistake? Because they came back and they brought soldiers, and priests, and sailors, and changed their lives forever until there are hardly any Carib people left. They make a mistake because they made friends with the wrong people.

That was a long time ago and there is no danger of making friends with the wrong people any more. Of course not. What about Saddam Hussein? Magic Johnson made friends with the wrong people. How many of you have a good friend? a best friend?

From this, Howard and Gómez move into a bilingual English-Spanish song about "My Friend," then talk about how every culture has a different way of making friends, focusing on the Navajo then the Mexican. In doing so they highight the new experiences the Spaniards found in coming to the New World.

With "differences" as a key construct they talk about other differences the Spanish found: a) corn (with a song in Spanish and then in English about the corn); b) other foods (with a patter song in Spanish; the children raise their hands when they recognize a food); c) reactions to food: chile, tobacco, and coffee. In the bilingual patter and song that follow about the tobacco and coffee, the drugs nicotine and caffeine are identified, the traditional ritual uses are described, and the harmful consequences of these drugs as misused by the Spanish, and for us today, are discussed.

The focus shifts immediately, however. "But [the Spanish] also learned that the people who lived here could do many good things." There is a bilingual Navajo-English discussion of María and her rugmaking, then an interactive bilingual English-Spanish song about rugmaking.

After a stretching song, Gómez and Howard talk about soemthing sad. María's son herded sheep. One day his favorite lamb was an orphan because ma'ii [coyote] had been there. The boy went to his grandfather, and his grandfather said, "let me tell you a story . . . ." Then follows the story/song (English/Navajo) of "Ma'ii."

One day ma'ii was very hungry and wanted lunch. He saw the prairie dogs, but he knew they would not let him get close. So he took an empty bag and went sneaking past them. They were curious. "Ma'ii, what is in your bag?" "Dancing songs." "Sing us a song, sing us a song, sing us a song." "Very well, get into a circle and close your eyes." Then ma'ii danced around the circle and beat the prairie dogs on the head and put them in his bag. As he was getting near the end of the circle, one little girl prairie dog opened her eyes. "Aiiie! Trouble! Ma'ii is killing us all!" She ran off. Ever since then all prairie dogs have descended from this one little girl prairie dog who kept her eyes open.

Has anything like this ever happened to you? No? What if a big car stopped and the driver asked you if you wanted a ride home. What would you say? (Response: "No.") Louder. ("No!") Even if the driver offered you a nice piece of candy? What would you say? ("No!") (Then in coyote's voice) But this is all make believe. There is no danger. No one will hurt you. (Gómez interrupts, "No, Dr. Howard, we have to be very careful. Over one million children are lost, kidnapped by strangers.") You mean, taking a ride will be like dancing with your eyes closed? (Gómez, "Yes.") Magic Johnson danced with his eyes closed (a reference to a recent announcement that he had contracted the AIDS virus.

The conversation shifts immediately to the closing presentation. Howard notes that when the Spanish came to America, the Native Indians were good teachers, but the Spanish did not learn well. So let's pretend that we are Spanish [and see if we can learn]. A song about barnyard animals in Spanish and English follows, then the children are thanked for being such good learners.

Both the Drug Education Sessions and the Multicultural Drug Education Sessions create dramas aud involve children in dramas. This dramas involve children cognitively, affectively, and behaviorally.

The involvement in drama is straightforward in the drug education project. The presenters role play trouble situations in front of the class and with the class, and then class members role play trouble situations for the presenters. In so doing, the students: a) become aware. of what trouble is; b) celebrate constructive and fun activities; and c) develop verbal and nonverbal refusal skills.

The involvement in drama is more complex in the multicultural drug education project as shown by the story of ma'ii. Children are brought into this story as they identify with the grandchild listening to the grandfather--they are brought into the hogan by the lowered voice tone and beat of the drum. The children next identify with the prairie dogs as they close their eyes with the prairie dogs and as the presenter becomes ma'ii stalking with his bag of dreams and then striking with his stick. This identification is brought out of the realm of fantasy and into reality with the statement "Has anything like this ever happened to you?"

Through involvement in this drama, children learn to celebrate diverse cultures and learn prudence. In terms of culture, the children learn words (coyote, grandfather, sheep) in three (or more) languages. The children learn also that relationships they value or fear (grandparent-grandchild, temptor-victim) are esteemed so by others. In terms of drug education, by acting the part of the prairie dog, the children become aware that danger was present not only for the Navajo but that it is present today, that "keeping yours eyes open" is a survival skill, one needed even when it seems unlikely.

Analysis

Issues of importance to health communication are cultural conceptions of health, perceptions and beliefs about health, and culturally appropriate strategies for preventive health care. In this multicultural context these issues become complex. Here we look at these issues as defined by Howard and Gómez as racconteurs and change agents.

Cultural Conceptions of Health

Drug use has cultural roots, so "one person's food is another's poison." Hispanics and Anglos [note c] have different poisons.

For the Hispanic populations in Lubbock, drug use starts not with marijuana or cocaine but with tobacco and beer which are closely allied to both ancient Aztec ceremonies and to contemporary values, and social ills. The Aztec used both tobacco and alcohol in religious ritual. The trace of this ritual is found today in necessary use of alcohol at all religious and social events from baptisms and quinceañeras to Sunday afternoon get togethers. One is not a good host without beer (such as Coors Light).

Beer drinking and tobacco smoking are for men only. It is appropriate in front of children, but not in front of parents. It is acceptable to get drunk, it is a sign of manliness, a sign that you have worked hard during the week and that you are taking your well-earned rest.

But drinking and drunkenness exacerbate cultural tendencies toward violence. Fighting was honored in the Aztec culture. The value is carried through in the construct of machismo, the need to defend one's honor (Paz, l9xxx). Yet in contemporary American society this defense of one's honor (either against another man or one's wife) (songs, l9xxx) is seen as assault and battery (cf. other book on drinking in Mexico and the US, l9xxx).

Thus for the Mexican-American the cultural values of hospitality and male honor may be expressed through excessive drinking and violence. Preventive drug use starts by identifying these values and the role of tobacco and beer as drugs of choice.

For the Anglo-American, drug use is not as gender role specific nor is it as linked to hospitality. Rather, in the Lubbock area, Anglo drug use is related to the values of relaxation and having fun, immediate gratification, and an inability to cope with failure or problems.

Perceptions and Beliefs About Health Concerns

Three main premises undergird Howard and Gomez' programs: a) that 80% of prevention is self-esteem, decision-making, refusal skills, alternatives to drug behavior and values (20% is about drugs) (cf. all the books by Dreikur, l9xxx); and b) teaching culture is an important way of teaching self-esteem; but c) where a specific enactment of cultural values is no longer legally or personally appropriate, a different enactment for this cultural value needs to be found. They would argue that these premises are not culture-specific, but culture-general and apply to all at-risk behaviors. Premises a) and c) are evident in the drug education program. Premises a), b), and c) are evident in the multicultural drug education program.

Culturally Appropriate Strategies for Preventive Health

The drug education program overtly teaches refusal skills. It also teaches self-esteem and alternatives to drug-taking behavior. Through the patter, children are praised for their courage and intelligence in resisting at-risk behaviors and are encouraged to see how much fun there is in healthy behaviors. Although they are not taught directly about culturally inappropriate values, by listing things that are trouble, the children gain an awareness that taken-for-granted behaviors (hitting, drinking, smoking) are, indeed, risky.

The multicultural drug education program does not teach refusal skills but it does teach self-esteem and alternative behaviors through culture and it does begin to identify cultural enactments that should be changed. First of all, pride in culture is taught. For example, the Hispanic culture has been not only ignored but also washed out in Lubbock. Much history and traditions have been lost. By teaching Hispanic children some of their history they gain a sense of identity. [note d]

The sessions are interactive and fun. The children are engrossed. Through these sessions they learn how enjoyable it is to sing, play instruments, learn languages, and learn arts. They pick up alternatives to at risk behaviors.

Also, in these sessions, both risky and good things about each culture are identified. The Spaniards discovered America. But they were not wise in how they used coffee and tobacco. The Caribs were hospitable. But they made friends with the wrong people. The risky activities still cause trouble. The good things still are commendable. Therefore emulate the good and disavow the weak.

Implications

Fisher notes,

From the narrative perspective, the proper role of an expert in public moral argument is that of a counselor, which is, as Walter Benjamin notes, the true function of the storyteller. His or her contribution to public dialogue is to impart knowledge, like a teacher, or wisdom, like a sage. It is not to pronounce a story that ends all storytelling. . . . Once this invasion [into the public life is made], the public, which then includes the expert, has its own criteria for determining whose story is most coherent and reliable as a guide to belief and action. (1987, p. 73)

Howard and Gómez enter the public arena as experts and as storytellers. The stories they tell have coherence and are faithful to the values of the community.

The drug education program's five steps of refusal skills create a coherent and mythic narrative format. There is an introduction to the trouble, conflict or struggle between values, and a happy ending. (At the very least, the child has retained self-respect and a friend. At the best, the child has seen him/herself acting heroically.) The values celebrated are contemporary community (Lubbock, TX) values: obedience, self-respect, respect for others, kindness, and love. [note e.]

Moreover, a rationale, or transcendent value, is provided that openly links the community values with the children's values (if you show self respect, you will be happy and have fun). By actually practicing the refusal skills they children participate in the mythic encounter between good and evil and see themselves victorious. It is thus easier to actually act so in "real life." [note f.]

The multicultural drug education project programs, though much more complex, also have an internal coherence and fidelity to community values. Whatever the theme of the day is is the introduction. The main body focuses on valuing diversity and on discerning good and foolishness in all cultures. The conclusion is a return to the theme of the day or to something lighthearted. The values and transcendent values are not openly discussed (as in the refusal skills sessions) but, as discussed above, through participation in the songs and activities, the students emotionally give assent to the values of prudence and tolerance.

The multicultural drug education project also transforms the values of the community in three ways. First, by presenting with enthusiasm music from non-dominant groups (Hispanics, African-Americans) these groups are given a voice, a popular voice, in the classroom. The value of these cultures is applauded as the value of diversity is celebrated. Diversity and tolerance are encouraged also as examples are given of beneficial and harmful conduct in a variety of cultures. Children are taught that tradition in and of itself is not sacred.

Third, stories within stories give a voice to elders from the out groups. Conflict is created. Do we not listen to their advice because these are people we do not respect? Do we listen because these are elders? Obedience wins, and in the process, both prudence and cultural appreciation are learned. [note g.]

Howard and Gómez come in as storytellers and storycreators celebrating the values of both the dominant and the non-dominant comunities. They work within the given value systems to promote health. While celebrating Spanish exploits they say "let's not be foolish like the Spaniards and be taken in by coffee and tobacco [and beer]." While celebrating the Anglo emphasis on the pursuit of happiness, they clarify that trouble is not fun. They impart knowlege and create wisdom, for, as they recreate the songs and traditions of the past, they open a new perspective onto the present.

The body of literature on communication and drug education is growing (cite all the references here). Yet the success rate of campaigns such as the Vision Quest and the "Just Say No" is still unknown. Anecdotal evidence from these programs suggest that when the vision is related to community values and when "just say no" is framed in heroic measures, compelling reasons are aroused for saying "yes" to health. Fisher claims that narrativity works. While we still need to discover how, these programs suggest that this power of myth and narrative is to be taken seriously (cf. Rollo May's new book on the power of myth).

[note b. data was collected through observation in classrooms, at public events, and interviews, Nay 1991-November 1991. Data collection was approved by the Human Subjects Committee at Texas Tech.]

[note a. should be note "b" or 2 while that identified as "b" should be a. Hawaiian song = song written by Gomez, Gomez, and Howard using Hawaiian beat and melody, using Hawaiian terms, and about Hawaiian issues. see Cantos Para Todos l9xxxx]

[note C. Hispanic-American, one of Spanish descent; Anglo-American one who has assimilated English-American values]

[note d - not only hispanic children but also Anglo. For example, North-South inferiority complex. This part of the country explored before the East Coast and is older, therefore, take pride.]

[note e: these values, including love, are posted everywhere in schools; they are part of the open curriculum concept.]

[note f. No actual evaluation. funding from too many sources. anecdotal evidence suggests efficacy. For example, teachers report overhearing children using this with each other and a decrease in negative behaviors after a session.]

[note g. This is West Texas. a) non-whites don't exist. b) tradition is sacred. "I don't recycle because my grandmother didn't. c) rule 11 obey your elders.]

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